The news of that actual abuse of power touched off five months of impeachment hearings, two articles of impeachment charging presidential high crimes and misdemeanors, and a joke of a trial where the Republican-controlled Senate did everything possible to avoid coming face-to-face with the evidence and venality of the president’s crimes. And yet even his own party, deep down, knows that the president’s actions were wrong.“The president is guilty of an appalling abuse of the public trust,” GOP senator Mitt Romney said Wednesday as he announced that he would make the conviction vote bipartisan. “It was a flagrant assault on our electoral rights, our national security interests, and our fundamental values. Corrupting an election to keep oneself in office is perhaps the most abusive and destructive violation of one’s oath of office that I can imagine.”
And yet, hours later, majority leader Mitch McConnell’s chamber voted to acquit the president, choosing to be on record—vote by vote, 51 times—as complicit in Donald Trump’s abuse of America’s rule of law.
Which brings us to today.Today, 10 months remain in an election where the president now knows that there is practically nothing he can do that would cause his removal from office. The Justice Department maintains that Trump cannot be criminally charged while president, and the GOP has made clear that their ultimate test this year is to “let the voters decide.” That combination leaves no path for accountability. The House may very well continue its investigation of Trump’s various crimes starting today—perhaps by calling John Bolton—but Donald Trump knows he is, as Axios’ Jonathan Swan reported this week, borderline invincible.
The upshot is that Donald Trump can apparently do anything he wants to rig, influence, or invite foreign powers to tinker with the integrity of the election that will decide his fate. And he can do it all with the full powers of the presidency.Trump has long been aware of his teflon nature. “I could stand in the middle of 5th Avenue and shoot somebody and I wouldn’t lose any voters,” he famously proclaimed in January 2016. Even then, he was pulling the wool over America’s eyes: Those comments came the same month Michael Cohen was—unknown to voters—busily at work trying to set up meetings with Vladimir Putin about the Trump Tower Moscow project .More recently, Trump’s impeachment defense lawyers have argued that he could hand Alaska over to Vladimir Putin without repercussions outside of Election Day. “Assume Putin decides to ‘retake’ Alaska, the way he ‘retook’ Crimea,” Dershowitz wrote in 2018, a year and a half before officially joining Trump’s legal team. “Assume further that a president allows him to do it, because he believed that Russia has a legitimate claim to ‘its’ original territory.” Even that wholesale reneging on the sovereignty of the United States would not, in Dershowitz’s views, constitute an impeachable offense.
Special Counsel Robert Mueller wrapped up his 675-day probe —the most politically charged investigation in American history—with a profoundly unsatisfying conclusion about whether President Donald Trump obstructed justice: Maybe .The answer came in a convoluted four-page letter to Congress from newly installed Attorney General Bill Barr, who spent the weekend sorting through Mueller’s final report with Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein.